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楼主  发表于: 2008-08-29   

新闻周刊:海归的崛起

Rise of The Sea Turtles

China's most modern citizens aren't drawing it any closer to the West.

By Melinda Liu and Duncan Hewitt | NEWSWEEK
Published Aug 9, 2008
Aug. 18-25, 2008 issue

Charles Zhang is practically the personification of hip, 21st-century China. The flamboyant, MIT-educated entrepreneur founded and runs one of China's two biggest Internet portals, Sohu.com. Last week he welcomed an international swarm of revelers to an Olympic bash at Beijing's fashionable Lan Club (décor by Philippe Starck), where he announced his new gig during the Games: talk-show host. "I learned a lot from Letterman and Leno while living in the States," he said confidently.

Zhang is speaking to a different audience now. He says the anti-Western backlash that erupted in China this spring—after pro-Tibetan demonstrators disrupted the Olympic torch relay in London, Paris and San Francisco—was entirely justified. He himself called for a boycott of French goods and media after an unruly scrum broke out over the torch in Paris. "That was the first time Chinese people as a whole stood up to the world," he says. "It's good for Chinese people ... That incident proves that when Chinese are upset, they can find their voice."

Such sentiments are common on the mainland. But people like Zhang were supposed to be different: he's what Chinese call a hai gui—"sea turtle"—referring to someone who has lived overseas. (The phrase is a pun on haiwai guilai, meaning "returned from overseas.") Their numbers are growing by the tens of thousands every year, and as the sons and daughters of the elite, they have an outsize influence once they move back to China. In the West there's long been an assumption that this cohort would import Western values along with their iPods. They were envisioned as the bridge to a more open, liberal, Western-friendly China.

That daydream got a cold bath during the torch relay this spring, when furious Chinese students in the West showed they could be even more jingoistic than Chinese who had never left home—and good luck to anyone who dared buck the trend. One courageous Duke University freshman from the coastal city of Qingdao tried to intercede in a campus confrontation between a dozen or so pro-Tibetan demonstrators and a much larger group of pro-Beijing Chinese students. For her trouble, she was called a "race traitor" and a "whore"; feces were dumped on her parents' doorstep.

Measuring attitudes among sea turtles can be difficult, especially with all of Chinese society changing around them. Still, some empirical data are beginning to emerge. Prof. David Zweig, head of the Center on China's Transnational Relations at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, is directing a research project based on responses from thousands of returnees from campuses in Canada, Japan and Europe. The data show they're "no less jingoistic than those who have never gone abroad," Zweig says. "As in, 'My country, right or wrong'." What's more, he adds: "A significant proportion of them believe that using force to promote China's national interests is acceptable." Bottom line? "It means the post-1989 policy to imbue youth with nationalism through 'patriotic education' has succeeded," Zweig says.

China has a long tradition of chauvinism, and for some sea turtles, intimate acquaintance with Western attitudes has only intensified their feelings of defensiveness. Author and business consultant Jim MacGregor, who deals frequently with hai gui, says, "The richest people here are the most anti-Western." Even as they sip cappuccino at Starbucks or show off their new Buicks, the last thing most want is to make over their homeland in the West's image. They're after something far more ambitious: a China that lives up to their sense of national greatness. The pacesetters among hai gui don't aspire to be "modern," as Europeans and Americans often use the word—as a synonym for Western. Instead, prosperous young returnees tend to see themselves emphatically as modern Chinese.

Previous generations of sea turtles were patriotic in a different way. A century or more ago, Chinese students were sent abroad to learn science and technology from the West, and returned with a sense of mission. "They felt the most important thing was to help Chinese education; they wanted to teach," says dissident journalist Dai Qing, who has just finished writing a book about that era.

Now the business opportunities available on the mainland are at least as big a draw for returnees. But even someone like Dai, who served a term in prison for opposing the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, says she feels the tug of the motherland. She's just returned from her fourth stint overseas—a year at Australian National University studying "relations between dictatorships and individuals." When she first left the country in 1991 for a Nieman Fellowship at Harvard, many acquaintances mistakenly assumed she'd never go home. "People say, 'Dai Qing's stupid—after 20 years of going overseas she doesn't even have a green card'," she says with a laugh.

Many sea turtles have their own theories about why Chinese overseas might show a hostile streak. For one thing, they run out of patience with Westerners' ignorance. "To be honest, when we go abroad we do find people asking strange questions, like whether China has modern buildings or cars," says Danny Huang, who lived in Canada and the United States for more than a decade before returning to run an educational charity in Shanghai. "Sometimes it's hard not to feel they have some bias." For others, anger against the West can ease the pangs of homesickness, suggests Shanghai University film teacher Shu Haolun. "They need a bond to their motherland," says Shu, who studied cinema and photography at Southern Illinois University before returning to China in 2003. "They're being anti-Western to feel attached to their own country."

Some of the nationalism exhibited by Chinese living abroad might also be sustained, rather than diluted, by the Internet. "As soon as they get online they can be totally immersed in a Chinese environment," says Zhao Chuan, a novelist who lived in Australia from 1987 to 2000 before coming home to write about Shanghai. "When we were studying abroad ... occasionally you went to Chinatown to read a Chinese paper. Now if you're in the U.K. you can easily not read English papers or watch English TV."

Others say the returnees' driving force isn't exactly nationalism. Instead, they argue, it reflects the extraordinary assertiveness of young urban Chinese. Decades of strict one-child family-planning policies have produced a generation of only-children—"little emperors," the Chinese call them. "Young Chinese feel they have the right to speak out about anything," says Victor Yuan, who studied for a year at Harvard's Kennedy School and now heads Horizon, a market survey consultancy. Some rebel against both Chinese and Western norms—like architect Ma Yansong, who apprenticed under Zaha Hadid in London and is famous for his designs mocking the regime's obsession with huge, imposing buildings. "This generation doesn't want to accept any ideological message, whether it's from the Communist Party or Voice of America," says Yuan.

The power of hai gui is visibly growing. Two of China's cabinet ministers earned their doctorates at universities outside the country, and approximately 100 officials at the level of vice governor or higher have studied overseas for at least a year, according to Zweig's figures. Patriotism notwithstanding, he says his research suggests that as Chinese spend more time outside the country, their thinking becomes more nuanced and internationalist: "They don't want to see China pushed around but are smart enough to know China makes mistakes." At the Lan Club last week, Zhang said it's time for China to prove it can do things right. "After suffering for hundreds of years and then for 30 years scrambling to get things right, now China's getting the respect of the world," he said. "Chinese are gaining more self-respect, too, so they should become more responsible." With luck, that means becoming more responsible to the world, not just to China.

© 2008

http://www.newsweek.com/id/151730
描述:The Expat Life: Novelist Zhao Chuan (left) says the Internet makes it easier for Overseas Chinese to
图片:china-sea-turtles-IN01-wide-horizontal.jpg
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“If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away.”  -----  Henry David Thoreau
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沙发  发表于: 2008-08-29   
海归真的“反西方”? 新闻周刊文章引起巨大反响
来源: 国际先驱导报

    海归派的行为分析并非国外媒体可以轻易揣测清楚

  中国留学生的数量正在以每年数万计地增长,留学归国的知识分子给中国社会带来巨大影响。长期以来,西方认为这个群体会在中国输入西方价值观,“海归”也被视为亲西方的桥梁。

  然而,美国《新闻周刊》近日却提出不同的观点。该杂志通过对以搜狐董事局主席张朝阳为代表的海归们的采访,刊登了一篇题为《海归的崛起》的文章,该文的核心观点是“越西化的中国人反而越不喜欢西方”。因为其观点的标新立异,该文立即在互联网引起巨大反响,海归派的行为分析也再次引发热议。

  偏见带来“反西方”

  “当老外对中国有很多误解时,我就特生气。”德国留学生郭萌熙告诉《国际先驱导报》,他坦言自己在国外比在国内爱国情绪更强烈,“主要是无法接受外国人的偏见”。

  由于历史形成的偏见和对近年来中国发展的无知,让很多西方人对待中国留学生和中国时表现出不公平的态度,甚至是歧视,这令中国留学生表现出了更强烈的爱国热情,回国后,这些情绪还会留在一部分海归内心。

  “老实说,我们在国外时,确实碰到有人老问一些奇怪的问题,比如问中国有没有现代的建筑或汽车。”曾在加拿大生活10年后返回上海开办教育慈善机构的黄丹妮说,“有时确实觉得,他们对我们是有偏见的。”

  上半年在加拿大留学,刚回到北京工作的张浩远说,在奥运火炬传递期间,有很多加拿大人自制了支持“藏独”的海报挂在自家大门上。“我见一张就撕一张。”张浩远说,“很多外国人根本就不了解真实的情况,只按照他们的思路来做事。”

  北京大学国际关系学院教授孔寒冰也承认,“海归反对西方”这种现象确实存在,但他同时认为反西方并不绝对,“我们不能把某些特例给普遍化了,对这种现象还是要宽容一些。只能说,越是西化的人,所表现出来的爱国情绪可能就越强烈,这也跟他们所处的环境有关。但是并不能说他们就是反对西方的。”

  解剖三类“反西方”海归

  海归中的先驱们不想成为现代的西方人,这些求学归来的海归人士,不仅带回了高科技和新理念,也带回了西方世界的思考方式。他们回到中国后,用西方的眼光看问题,用中国的方式解决问题,这时候的矛盾冲突就出现了。

  “我并没有单纯地强调反西方。”海归一代的代表张朝阳认为,海归派的行为分析并非西方人可以轻易揣测清楚,“由于留学生对西方社会了解比较深入,对西方的认识相对中肯和平衡,尽量避免了盲目崇拜或者崇洋媚外,将理性地面对东西文化政治交融时带来的问题。”

  成功的年轻海归也希望突出自己是现代的中国人。对这些海归来说,虽然深受西方生活方式的影响,但同时中国传统文化的心理诉求也变得愈发强烈。黄丹妮在加拿大的生活十分优越,但两年前她毅然决定返回上海创业,“回国倒不是上一代人说的爱国,回国发展是觉得有认同感。”

  张浩远也认为自己对西方没有任何敌意,在他看来,别人混淆了“爱国”和“反西方”的概念,“虽然我把‘藏独’海报一张张扯下来了,当时很痛恨加拿大人,但是其实我并不反感加拿大人,相反,我有很多加拿大朋友。”

  针对这种现象,孔寒冰对《国际先驱导报》分析说,“对于西方提出异议的海归可以分为三种。第一种是在国外发展得不理想的,很大程度上会不喜欢西方。第二种是真正了解西方的人,他们看到了西方哪些地方不尽人意,会提出一些自己的看法。还有一部分人可能在中国就说中国不好,在外国就说外国不好。尽管产生的原因多种多样,但海归反西方并不是一个普遍的现象,都只是个案。”

  从仰视西方到平视西方

  一个多世纪以来,中国人远渡重洋求学,源源不断地为国家输送回西方先进的教育理念和科学技术,就这一层面来讲,在很长一段时间内现代化的西方世界是中国进步过程中的老师。

  但随着中国自身的发展,海归对西方的心态正在开始变得复杂。

  在张朝阳看来,多数海归现在有一种全新的自信,“东方与西方现在不再是单纯老师和学生的关系,互相都有很多值得学习和借鉴的长处,东方面对西方已经经历了从仰视到平视的过程。在平等的原则下,敌对的态度就会减少很多。”

  “对西方,我们需要了解更多”

  ——专访搜狐董事局主席张朝阳


  海归们在面对西方时的复杂心态,让美国《新闻周刊》得出了“最西化的中国人最反西方”的结论。作为海归一代的代表人物,张朝阳被西方定义为“21世纪中国青年时尚潮流的代表”。8月26日,张朝阳就此话题接受了《国际先驱导报》的专访。

  “《新闻周刊》的结论不是我本意”

  《国际先驱导报》:《新闻周刊》在采访你后,发表的文章的核心观点是“最西化的中国人最反西方”。你怎样看待这一观点?

  张朝阳:这是他们的结论,并不是我的意思。我只是说,火炬传递在外国受到干扰,我认为中国人应该联合起来,让我们的声音被世界听到。

  过去西方人普遍认为,去留学的人都能接受西方的价值观,然后回到本国传播他们的思想。但是恰恰是当留学生在外国生活了足够长的时间,对这个国家了解得比较深入的时候,在有比较的情况下,才会达到一个比较中肯的、能够平衡的本质的看法。没有在那里生活过的话,西方所说的一些理念就有可能把你糊弄住。因为你不知道、不了解,就可能会有一些盲目崇拜。一旦了解了,就会有一个和本国的比较,能看到各方面的优缺点。这种更加理解或者支持我们中国人所走的道路的做法,是基于可判断的基础上,并不是盲目的民族主义,也不是崇洋媚外,而是一种理性的看法。

  《国际先驱导报》:是否可以这样认为:正是因为了解西方,才不喜欢西方?

  张朝阳:确实有这样一部分人存在。但是这个问题很复杂,不能把它绝对化。不能认为海归派都是一类,海归派有各种各样的想法。只能说跟西方接触得越多,就越容易表现出爱国的情绪。但是不能说他们反西方。只能说他们看到了西方到底是什么样子,也能体会到西方不好的地方,就会产生一些比较有说服力的看法。

  “我的生活方式和民族走向是两回事”

  《国际先驱导报》:如何解释部分海归对西方的敌意?

  张朝阳:有些海归在美国是非主流人群,因为毕竟是少数民族,可能会受到歧视。所以他们在看待西方的时候,肯定会有一些情绪,我不能说我没有这种情绪。

  我在回国十多年以后逐渐了解到,很多事用中国的做法,最后也能做成。但现在也不应该完全排斥西方,我们必须互相学习。几百年前,山高皇帝远,国与国之间不需要学习。现在世界各国之间距离都很近,我们需要也必须去互相学习。外国确实有一些好的东西需要学习,但是在学习的同时不要放弃自己。

  对于西方,我们经历了一个从仰视到平视的态度的变化。这样的态度反倒不是一种反西方,我们的主流媒体对于西方的一些批评,甚至可以公开来讨论。这是一种更从容、什么东西都可以接受的态度。

  《国际先驱导报》:那你怎么看西方媒体对于中国的负面报道?

  张朝阳:当一个国家强大的时候,所表达的应该是一种力量,是一种含蓄的、不经意的、不卑不亢的态度,不需要太过激。奥运会就是这样一个例子。外国人可以亲自来看看,用中国的组织方式,我们已经成功了。世界上有一套西方的组织方式,但这并不是唯一的组织方式。用另外一套组织结构,同样可以取得成功。现在西方体制的唯一性受到质疑,民主的表达也会有另外一种方式。

  《国际先驱导报》:我们看到过很多关于你的公开报道,这些报道让普通人感觉你的生活方式已经很西化了。你自己是否这样认为?

  张朝阳:可以说我摆脱了一些中国儒家传统上对于知识分子的孜孜不倦、一生追求这样的一种理念,更多地结合了一些个人的东西。在我个人生活方式的价值观方面,我是中西结合。我个人采取的生活方式,和我宣扬的我们民族应该怎么往前走,是两回事。

  “我被美国的民主骗了”

  《国际先驱导报》:今年上半年,国内出现了一些像“抵制家乐福”这样的事件,你当时明确表示“法国货应该被抵制”。你支持抵制是出于什么原因?

  张朝阳:民众有情绪需要表达,就要让他表达出来。这个世界上很多表面的事件和背后所暗藏的东西可能不太一样。按照西方的体制,人是有自由表达权利的。表面上,巴黎市政府是不受法国政府管理,警察没有管住,就有人冲上去破坏。按照西方的逻辑,法国政府和人民是没有责任的,而应该由某一小撮“藏独”来负责。表面上一切都顺理成章,好像是因为体制的优越,让人民有了更多表达自己意见的空间,有些人的表达手段就是抗议。但当对世界政治和各个方面有更深入了解后,就会发现“世界无小事”,任何小事都是有关联的。我不相信法国政府会对巴黎政府没有影响,也不相信他们的警察会那么无能。中国的火炬传递在法国受到的遭遇,不是偶然的,是整个法国政府从上到下的一种态度的表达。所以我觉得,中国民众一定要表达出来自己的态度,而不能被西方的一整套说辞给欺骗了。

  《国际先驱导报》:有人认为你当时的这一看法比较情绪化,你现在是否还是持“应该抵制法国货”这样的看法?

  张朝阳:我还是会这样认为。我的那篇文章完全不是情绪化的产物,而是分析了事件背后的一些事情。其实我在美国的时候也被美国的民主给骗了,美国政府的公关做得是最好的。在商业的极其激烈的竞争下,导致商业方面的营销和公关已经发展得炉火纯青,经常一些大企业的公关人员会加入政府,这样就导致政府的公关能力也很强,这一点在竞选上的体现就很明显。连打伊拉克,导致上百万人生灵涂炭的事情美国政府都能有很好的借口。所以我对西方的民主开始另眼相看。过去有一些海归或者学者,主张全盘西化,就是因为对西方太不了解。当他们了解更多的时候就会知道,西方也有很多不好的、肮脏的东西。我们需要了解更多。
描述:张朝阳被美国《新闻周刊》定义为“21世纪中国青年时尚潮流的代表”。 胡�
图片:U30P4T8D1364685F107DT20080829110040.jpg
“If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away.”  -----  Henry David Thoreau
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